What place do mass media currently occupy among other institutions in the Belarusian society? What social transformation do they facilitate? These questions are complicated enough, because one can answer them from multiple points of view – the political perspective (the place of mass media in the political system), the economic perspective (their place in the economic system), the legal perspective (their place in the legal system), social and cultural perspective (their place in the cultural framework) etc. Let us try to answer these questions from a sociological perspective and explain how mass media are viewed by society, and what are the results of the interaction between the two.
Table 1. Trust in major state and social institutions, %
Institution |
Trust
|
Do not trust
|
I do not know/NA
|
Index*
|
Church |
45.7
|
19.3
|
35.0
|
+0.275
|
Army |
39.5
|
23.5
|
37.0
|
+0.167
|
Independent research centers |
29.9
|
17.2
|
52.9
|
+0.133
|
State research centers |
25.4
|
23.7
|
50.9
|
+0.018
|
President |
36.0
|
37.6
|
26.4
|
–0.017
|
State media |
34.3
|
36.0
|
29.7
|
–0.018
|
OSCE Advisory and Monitoring Group in Belarus |
20.2
|
22.4
|
57.4
|
–0.023
|
Free independent trade unions |
21.6
|
26.1
|
52.3
|
–0.048
|
Constitutional court |
24.3
|
32.2
|
43.5
|
–0.083
|
Groups of businessmen |
18.1
|
28.4
|
53.5
|
–0.108
|
Non-state media |
23.7
|
35.9
|
40.4
|
–0.128
|
Trade unions, which are members to the Federation of trade unions |
12.8
|
28.0
|
59.2
|
–0.159
|
Courts |
23.6
|
40.5
|
35.9
|
–0.177
|
Central election committee |
16.8
|
38.0
|
45.2
|
–0.223
|
KGB |
18.6
|
40.1
|
41.3
|
–0.225
|
Government |
21.2
|
43.0
|
35.8
|
–0.227
|
National assembly |
14.5
|
36.9
|
48.6
|
–0.235
|
XIII Parliament |
12.0
|
35.5
|
52.5
|
–0.247
|
Political parties, which support the regime |
11.8
|
41.0
|
47.2
|
–0.308
|
Local authorities |
16.4
|
48.6
|
35.0
|
–0.338
|
Opposition political parties |
8.5
|
43.4
|
48.1
|
–0.369
|
Police |
20.5
|
52.9
|
26.6
|
–0.377
|
* The index of trust may be in the range of +1 to –1 and is a correlation between the sum of positive answers “I trust in them” and negative answers “I do not trust in them”, and the number of all respondents, who answered the question
Table 2. Dynamics of trust in government and non-government media, %
Survey |
Trust
|
Do not trust
|
I do not know/NA
|
Index of trust
|
||||
Non-government media
|
Government media
|
Non-government media
|
Government media
|
Non-government media
|
Government media
|
Non-government media
|
Government media
|
|
11’97 |
25.4
|
43.7
|
24.1
|
21.0
|
50.5
|
35.3
|
–0.026
|
+0.351
|
09’98 |
19.6
|
41.8
|
32.6
|
26.0
|
47.9
|
35.2
|
–0.249
|
+0.233
|
03’99 |
21.8
|
39.1
|
32.6
|
31.0
|
45.6
|
30.0
|
–0.284
|
+0.026
|
06’99 |
19.5
|
39.8
|
34.9
|
31.0
|
45.6
|
29.2
|
–0.159
|
+0.091
|
11’99 |
34.4
|
32.2
|
26.1
|
34.7
|
39.5
|
33.1
|
+0.088
|
–0.026
|
04’00 |
25.7
|
38.5
|
31.9
|
31.6
|
42.4
|
29.9
|
–0.085
|
+0.072
|
08’00 |
28.0
|
34.4
|
34.1
|
34.7
|
37.9
|
30.9
|
–0.098
|
–0.004
|
11’00 |
23.7
|
34.3
|
35.9
|
36.0
|
40.4
|
29.7
|
–0.128
|
–0.018
|
Table 3. Trust in different mass media, %
Mass media |
Trust
|
Do not trust
|
I do not know/NA
|
Index*
|
Russian TV |
46.7
|
12.9
|
40.4
|
+0.355
|
Russian radio |
34.2
|
14.4
|
51.4
|
+0.210
|
Russian newspapers |
33.1
|
15.7
|
51.2
|
+0.183
|
Belarusian state radio |
39.9
|
26.7
|
34.4
|
+0.137
|
Belarusian state TV |
38.6
|
27.2
|
34.2
|
+0.118
|
Belarusian state newspapers |
38.5
|
27.3
|
34.2
|
+0.115
|
Belarusian non-government radio (FM-channels) |
25.4
|
22.1
|
52.5
|
+0.035
|
Belarusian non-government newspapers |
20.9
|
29.9
|
49.2
|
–0.094
|
Belarusian non-government TV |
16.4
|
25.4
|
58.2
|
–0.097
|
Western radio |
12.7
|
28.1
|
59.2
|
–0.162
|
Western television |
11.9
|
28.3
|
59.8
|
–0.174
|
* The index of trust may be in the range of +1 to –1 and is a correlation between the sum of positive answers “I trust in them” and negative answers “I do not trust in them”, and the number of all respondents, who answered the question
Table 4. Media audience depending on trust in them, %
Different (if not contrary) views of different media inevitably influence the views of their audience. A comparison of social characteristics, values and behavior of different mass media shows that this influence has different results (Table 5).
Table 5. Social characteristics of media audiences, %
Characteristics |
Western media (14.6)
|
Non-government media (36.8)
|
Government media (49.6)
|
Russian media (53.1)
|
Social and demographic characteristics: | ||||
Age: – 16-29 – 30-39 – 40-49 – 50-59 – 60+ |
35.8
27.2 18.6 9.2 9.1 |
35.4
22.4 21.0 9.6 11.8 |
18.7
15.8 18.6 14.2 32.7 |
25.3
20.0 20.7 12.3 21.7 |
Education: – elementary (up to 4 years at secondary school) – unfinished secondary (up to 8 years at secondary school) – secondary – technical college – higher and non-finished higher education |
4.6
12.1 39.4 24.7 19.1 |
4.4
12.7 40.5 24.9 17.6 |
18.1
16.4 31.6 22.5 11.4 |
10.4
13.0 39.0 22.4 15.3 |
Social status: – state sector employee – private sector employee – student – senior citizen – housewife, unemployed |
44.6
19.2 14.0 15.2 9.4 |
47.9
17.3 12.9 15.2 7.8 |
43.0
8.4 7.6 37.7 4.3 |
47.2
12.5 9.3 25.9 6.4 |
Language of daily use: – Belarusian – Russian – Belarusian and Russian – a mixture of Belarusian and Russian |
3.9
53.3 22.9 19.6 |
3.4
47.3 25.5 23.2 |
3.9
30.5 24.8 40.3 |
3.1
39.4 24.4 32.7 |
Place of residence: – capital – regional center – large city (50 thousand people and more) – small town – village |
17.0
23.2 15.9 18.0 0 |
21.5
16.4 16.2 17.3 28.3 |
11.9
15.1 11.6 20.5 40.7 |
14.3
16.2 14.6 21.9 32.6 |
Economical values and behavior: | ||||
Prefer the type of economy: – market economy with little state interference – market economy with heavy state regulation – administrative economy |
60.2
21.6 13.9 |
58.6
24.2 13.8 |
25.2
34.5 35.2 |
40.0
30.7 25.8 |
Most efficient form of ownership: – private property – state property |
74.1
18.7 |
69.1
24.5 |
37.3
58.1 |
53.8
40.7 |
Would like to be employed by: – a private company – a state company |
66.0
25.8 |
58.9
34.1 |
29.6
63.5 |
45.1
49.0 |
Material well-being over the last year: – improved – did not change – deteriorated |
3.8
35.6 60.1 |
5.3
35.7 59.0 |
6.3
39.5 53.9 |
5.7
37.2 56.3 |
Family income per capita in September (in thousands of rubles) |
39.3
|
37.9
|
32.2
|
35.0
|
Political values and behavior: | ||||
The blame on the deteriorating economy is on the: – president – organized crime |
58.8
10.7 |
48.1
11.1 |
19.9
18.8 |
36.7
14.8 |
Trust the president: – yes – no |
15.6
60.4 |
23.3
49.6 |
56.6
17.3 |
38.8
35.1 |
Trust political parties: – yes – no |
7.0
51.7 |
7.0
46.4 |
5.3
40.0 |
6.3
45.0 |
Trust independent research centers: – yes – no |
45.8
16.6 |
42.4
15.6 |
19.3
18.6 |
31.0
17.5 |
Satisfied with the way, that A. Lukashenko has ruled the country for six years: – rather satisfied – partly satisfied, partly not – rather not satisfied |
12.1
29.8 57.6 |
13.4
37.3 48.8 |
34.9
46.7 17.4 |
22.7
40.3 36.1 |
The best relations between Russia and Belarus: – friendly relations of independent countries – union of independent countries – merger into one country |
47.9
28.3 22.3 |
45.5
30.8 22.1 |
24.8
31.4 40.8 |
33.2
29.9 34.8 |
Voting in a referendum about the unification of Russia and Belarus: – for unification – against unification |
40.7
38.2 |
41.2
33.7 |
67.2
15.6 |
56.5
22.2 |
Think that Belarus should aim to integrate into Europe and aspire to: – membership in the Council of Europe – membership in the European Union – NATO membership |
47.0
45.2 10.5 |
43.0
41.4 9.9 |
31.7
26.0 6.8 |
37.9
35.6 6.9 |
If the powers do not satisfy people, they should be replaced by: – ordinary elections – large-scale non-violence actions (rallies etc.) |
31.7
10.6 |
35.7
10.5 |
45.7
4.3 |
40.4
6.6 |
Attitude to “Freedom March-3”: – positive – indifferent – negative – know nothing about the matter in question |
29.0
30.0 8.8 30.6 |
25.7
23.9 12.7 35.9 |
5.4
19.0 25.1 48.9 |
14.3
22.6 18.2 42.7 |
Would like to emigrate to the West: – yes – would not like to move anywhere |
46.8
40.8 |
39.5
53.4 |
21.3
72.7 |
31.4
61.3 |
Took part in October 15, 2000 parliamentary elections |
45.4
|
47.2
|
70.6
|
60.0
|
Would like the following person to be president of Belarus: – single candidate of the democratic opposition parties – representative of a different political party – independent candidate – A. Lukashenko |
19.3
1.2 33.7 17.6 |
16.5
1.9 27.5 20.9 |
3.4
2.7 14.6 51.3 |
9.2
1.5 23.3 34.2 |
Think that the majority of voters would vote for the following person in the presidential elections: – single candidate of the democratic opposition parties – representative of a different political party – independent candidate – A. Lukashenko |
13.5
1.4 17.6 34.9 |
10.1
1.1 6.8 37.3 |
2.2
1.1 9.4 52.8 |
5.6
1.4 17.6 34.9 |
If you had to choose between A. Lukashenko and M. Chigir, whom would you choose – A. Lukashenko – M. Chigir – I do not know/NA |
12.9
26.4 29.1 |
24.6
25.7 26.9 |
56.9
6.5 20.2 |
38.0
15.6 23.8 |
Ready to vote for A. Lukashenko in the presidential elections |
16.0
|
22.2
|
54.2
|
36.2
|
Are members of: – a political party – an NGO |
0.9
1.8 |
1.7
2.8 |
0.6
2.0 |
0.7
1.8 |
Table 6. Trust in state and public institutions among those, who trust in government and non-government media, %
Additional analysis shows that the prospect of the formation of an alliance of non-government media and research centers is very realistic, because it reflects a steady trend rather than an accidental connection (Table 7).
Table 7. Audience of non-government media, who trust independent research centers
Table 8. Distribution of answers to the question: “Recently, mass media have often published materials contributed by Belarusian independent research centers. Which of those centers do you know?”
The reasons behind close interlocution of the audience of non-government media and research centers are clear: both institutions research the society and affect it, although to a different extent. The inner mechanisms of their activities are quite different, but the output is similar – information and analysis, aiming at the society. Moreover, an alliance of these groups of institutions within the civil society is mutually beneficial: information and analysis, offered by non-government media and based on the materials from think tanks become better reasoned and more convincing; think tanks become more well-known and respected when they get a direct connection with the society. As a result the standing of both institutions is getting stronger and their influence on society better. Moreover, there is already a number of such centers in Belarus, which are known both to elite and the general public (Table 8).