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JUSTICE, WHAT IS THIS?

Different people read differently into this concept. At the same time, there is tacit consent in the society about what is fair and what is not. According to the February opinion poll, 54.9% of respondents think that the presidential election in Belarus will be free and fair while 32.1% – almost a third – stick to the opposite viewpoint.

One of the criteria in evaluating fairness of election is presence of independent observers. As the polling data show, there’s again consent within the Belarusian society on this issue. (See Table 1).

Table 1. Relation between preferences given to a candidate and answers to the question “Will you have more trust to the results of this presidential election if independent observers attend it?”, %

Variant of answer

Ready to vote for:

S. Gaidukevich (4.5)

A. Kozulin (6.4)

А. Lukashenko (58.6)

А. Milinkevich (16.5)

Yes (62.5)

74.8

70.6

59.5

73.0

No (26.2)

19.5

28.1

29.1

21.2

Almost two thirds of voters admit that presence of independent observers is an indicator of fairness of election. Supporters of this opinion make 50% among A. Lukashenko’s followers and they are almost unanimous among electorates of A. Lukashenko’s opponents.

A. Lukashenko’s supporters weren’t even confused with the phrase “independent observers” when answering to this question, even though the official mass media keep telling that independent media, observers, organizations and figures are true agents of the enemy. Yet, these same state-run mass media underline that the government did invite foreign observers to the election, even those of them who are not worthy of this. This way, voters don’t get a clear-cut message on this issue and therefore are led by the life principle that there cannot be an unwanted eye when it comes to someone’s vital interests or power abuse.

Naturally, this principle isn’t universal to estimate various aspects of fairness of election. It is well known that only few opposition figures were included into election commissions when the latter were formed. However, by far not all respondents see open inequity in this. (See Table 2).

Table 2. Relation between preferences given to a candidate and answers to the question “Can the count of votes be trusted if representatives of the opposition are not included in election commissions?”, %

Variant of answer

Ready to vote for:

S. Gaidukevich (4.5)

A. Kozulin (6.4)

А. Lukashenko (58.6)

А. Milinkevich (16.5)

Yes (49.6)

30.6

19.9

69.9

13.6

No (40.1)

62.0

74.5

20.4

81.4

Answers to the question of Table 1 show balance of estimates given by supporters of different candidates while in Table 2 estimates given by A. Lukashenko’s supporters and other candidate’s supporters are mirror-like.

Apparently, the reason is that the question of Table 1 pertains to trust to the authorities and attitude to the opposition. Our earlier surveys show that support of the president and trust to him are tied in the mass conscience with the trust to all social institutions taken together. On the other hand, supporters of the president are not likely to trust his political rivals.

As a result, for the majority of population absence of opposition figures whom they generally take as shady people will not aggravate the work of authority-composed election commissions. On the other hand, every fifth supporter of the current president thinks that the fair play also implies control over the game carried by the team of rivals.